India is an unreliable partner

India is an unreliable partner

India’s recent clandestine re-engagement with the Taliban, particularly through the covert visit of Deputy Interior Minister Ibrahim Sadr, prompts concerning inquiries over New Delhi’s intentions and reliability. As reported by BBC Pashto, Sadr, a prominent Taliban official, visited India amid escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. During this covert journey, he allegedly conducted undisclosed meetings with Indian officials. This disclosure signifies a pivotal shift in India’s strategy towards Afghanistan, revealing a more profound and purposeful effort to reestablish influence in the region under the pretence of diplomacy and humanitarian initiatives.
India’s revitalized interest in interacting with prominent Taliban leaders should be critically assessed. India has a well-documented history of utilizing Afghan land for its own geopolitical interests, often to the disadvantage of Pakistan, rather than acting as a neutral or beneficent entity. Prior to the Taliban’s ascendance in 2021, India significantly invested in establishing connections within the former Afghan government, many of which were purportedly involved in aiding anti-Pakistan factions. The reestablishment of these linkages under the guise of humanitarian help or development aid is not only insincere but also reflective of India’s strategic resurgence of its previous proxy tactics.

Delhi’s abrupt inclination to restore relations with the Taliban, an organization it formerly designated as terrorists, underscores the magnitude of India’s increasing international isolation. India’s international reputation has significantly deteriorated due to its oppressive actions in Kashmir, escalating militarization, and the marginalization of minorities. Its credibility is diminishing, and the international community is becoming progressively sceptical of its forceful and frequently unilateral acts. In this scenario, India’s interaction with the Taliban appears to prioritize the pursuit of relevance over the promotion of regional stability in a swiftly evolving geopolitical environment.

Moreover, India’s international engagement has been characterized by inconsistency and opportunism, frequently undermining long-term alliances. A prominent illustration of this is India’s association with the United States during the Trump presidency. Notwithstanding its acclaim as a strategic ally, India rapidly altered its position in response to changing political dynamics, demonstrating a readiness to pivot devoid of loyalty or enduring commitment. This should act as a cautionary story for Taliban leaders. Excessive alignment with India may result in unforeseen repercussions, particularly if India’s primary objective is to counterbalance Pakistan rather than to really endorse Afghanistan’s development and sovereignty.

India’s purported diplomatic initiatives towards the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) indicate its desperation rather than strategic insight. As its regional influence wanes and its narrative faces more scrutiny on global forums, New Delhi is striving for relevance. The reconciliation with old adversaries, specifically the Taliban, seems to be driven more by political expediency than by a sincere transformation in foreign policy. This action highlights India’s dependability as a long-term partner, particularly in places characterized by historical complexity and political instability, such as Afghanistan.

In contrast to India’s opportunistic engagement, Pakistan and Afghanistan possess a profound relationship founded on religious, cultural, and historical ties. These connections have endured through political turmoil and transnational problems. The interpersonal relationships, common language, tribal affiliations, and similar religious ideals forge a link that no external entity, even India, can mimic or supplant. Afghan officials must acknowledge the distinctiveness of this relationship and fight foreign forces’ attempts to create divisions between the two states.

India’s clandestine diplomacy and secretive engagements with Taliban commanders should not be misconstrued as a legitimate alliance. The data indicates that India frequently disguises strategic meddling as diplomacy and veils subversion in the rhetoric of humanitarianism. Given the region’s prolonged history of foreign interference and internal strife, it is essential for Afghan leaders to assess the motivations underlying India’s abrupt engagement. Is this a genuine endeavour to aid Afghanistan’s development, or simply a perpetuation of the previous policy to use Afghan territory for the destabilization of Pakistan and the enhancement of regional influence?

India’s clandestine engagements with Taliban leadership, notably individuals such as Ibrahim Sadr, constitute a wider, self-interested strategy. New Delhi’s history of employing Afghanistan as a proxy in its competition with Pakistan, together with its fluctuating global alliances and opportunistic diplomatic strategies, renders it an untrustworthy ally. The Taliban and the Afghan populace should prioritize fostering connections with entities that share mutual principles, historical links, and regional unity, rather than uniting with external forces motivated by self-serving strategic goals. Pakistan, while its own issues, continues to be a natural ally of Afghanistan, one that has supported it during crises and shares a vision of mutual peace and prosperity.

Author

  • GhulamMujadid

    Dr. Mujaddid is an Associate Professor in National Defence University, holds three Masters and a PhD in Strategic Studies. He is a former Commissioned officer in the Pakistan Air Force for 33 years

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