FOREIGN-BACKED PROPAGANDA MASKING TERRORISM AS ‘ACTIVISM’ IN BALOCHISTAN
A new wave of rhetoric about Balochistan has surfaced in recent months; it is framed as “activism,” but it is becoming more and more obvious that it is much more coordinated, political, and externally engineered. The most recent version is from the Baloch Advocacy and Studies Center (BASC), which has released a number of repeated, unsubstantiated claims that are offered as proof of pervasive abuses in Pakistan. Wide-ranging allegations of thousands of “enforced disappearances,” emotionally charged testimonies unrelated to official data, and glaring omissions about the operations of outlawed militant groups are all familiar patterns. When considered collectively, these components imply that BASC’s messaging is not about promoting human rights but rather is a component of a larger information campaign that is in line with foreign intelligence interests, especially those that have long been charged with inciting instability in Balochistan.
The assertion of “1,237 enforced disappearances in 2025 alone,” which is repeated without citation, confirmation, or reconciliation with publicly accessible records, is at the heart of BASC’s story. The difference is noticeable when compared to data from the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (CoIoED). 9,072, or 85%, of the 10,663 cases that were reported nationwide have been settled. The Commission reports that 2,718 out of 2,903 cases in Balochistan have been resolved, an astounding 93.6 percent resolution rate, with 185 cases still pending. These numbers directly contradict the inflated statistics propagated by organizations like BASC, even though any unresolved case is a cause for concern.
Rather than engaging with verified data, these organizations rely on the repetition of unverified claims to create an image of widespread, unaddressed state abuses that is not supported by the CoIoED’s investigative process
The recurrent occurrence of people who were initially classified as “missing” later appear in the ranks of prohibited organizations like the BLA and BLF is something that BASC and its affiliated platforms also fail to acknowledge. This pattern is demonstrated by a number of documented instances, including Wadood Satakzai, Karim Jan, Sohaib Langove, and UMT student Sufyan Kurd. These cases are frequently initially reported as victims of forced disappearance, but subsequent information reveals that they had actually joined militant training camps. These people’s profiles are retroactively rebranded as “activists” when they are subsequently killed in security operations or suicide attacks, supporting a narrative that excludes their role in terrorism.
This pattern is the result of a systematic recruitment and radicalization process, not something that just happens. Authorities and community members have long accused individuals like Professor Bashir Zeb Kurd of supporting indoctrination networks on campuses. Concerns regarding the existence of specialized recruitment networks ingrained in what ought to be academic settings are heightened by arrests such as that of Professor Usman Qazi. Students, some as young as their late teens, have detailed how ostensibly nonviolent student organizations and protest camps served as entry points for ideological brainwashing. Former Punjab University student Talat Aziz has openly discussed how he was lured into militancy through these same channels, underscoring the ease with which impressionable youth are targeted under the pretense of “activism.”
One facet of the problem that advocacy groups routinely overlook is the exploitation of women in these networks. The gendered aspects of this exploitation are highlighted by the case of Adeela Baloch, whose experience reflects coercion, blackmail, and manipulation by prohibited clothing. The case of Mahal Baloch, a law student who committed suicide in Bela in August 2024, is even more concerning. Before carrying out the attack, she reportedly vanished from public view after being impregnated by her professor.
The sanitized representation of student organizations and “resistance movements” that purport to support women’s rights while simultaneously employing women as disposable weapons in violent operations is refuted by these incidents
Despite these facts, groups like BSO, BSC, and BSAC continue to portray themselves as academic or cultural institutions while purportedly acting as conduits for male and female students to join prohibited militant groups. Propaganda channels are able to depict active militants as innocent victims because the same networks frequently rebrand their disappearances as state-perpetrated after recruitment. Both operational and informational goals are served by this cycle, which hides recruitment trends, protects handlers from criticism, and produces a steady flow of emotionally compelling stories that can be used globally.
Fitna Al Hindustan’s BLA/BLF terrorism, which includes attacks on educators, students, workers, journalists, and healthcare professionals, is deliberately avoided in BASC’s recent denunciations, which are presented through carefully chosen panels and PR campaigns. These speakers also don’t discuss the targeted killings of civilians or the sabotage of energy infrastructure, which are the very actions that have led to increased security measures. In the meantime, organizations like the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), which are portrayed globally as nonviolent advocacy groups, have consistently failed to distance themselves from the exaltation of suicide attackers or misinformation propagators.
However, individuals connected to these networks are portrayed as “activists” without addressing their closeness to extremist narratives
The ecosystem that results is one in which propaganda connected to intelligence is disseminated as humanitarian discourse and violent actors are rebranded as human rights advocates. This distortion is essential to the narrative structure of BASC. It promotes a selective portrayal of events in Balochistan that serves foreign strategic interests more than the welfare or advancement of local communities by ignoring militant recruitment, the exploitation of women and students, or patterns of glorifying terrorism.
It is impossible to interpret the messaging promoted by BASC and related organizations as simple human rights advocacy. It represents a concerted attempt to undermine state institutions, conceal the activities of prohibited groups, and use information, political, and psychological warfare to destabilize Pakistan. Narratives that romanticize terrorism and ignore important context cannot address legitimate concerns about rights and governance in Balochistan. The advancement of the region depends on open communication based on facts rather than propaganda supported by outside parties that disguises violence as activism.
