Regional Powers Unite to Push Taliban Action in Afghanistan

Regional Powers Unite to Push Taliban Action in Afghanistan

Regional Powers Unite to Push Taliban Action in Afghanistan

The annual UN General Assembly in New York is usually a circus of speeches, handshakes, and photo ops. But this year, on 25 September, something a little different happened on the sidelines. Foreign ministers from China, Iran, Pakistan, and Russia quietly gathered for their fourth Quadripartite Meeting on Afghanistan. The message they sent was blunt. The crux of the message was that Afghanistan’s neighbors are losing patience.

The joint statement they released ticked the usual boxes which include support for a peaceful, united, and independent Afghanistan.

But the tone was sharper than before. Besides, terrorism, narcotics, refugees, and the Taliban’s shaky governance were not just discussed. Instead, they were framed as urgent threats that Kabul can no longer shrug off.

Much of the discussion zeroed in on terrorism. The ministers did not mince words, naming groups like the TTP, ISKP, Al-Qaeda, ETIM, the BLA, and Jaish-ul-Adl as still operating out of Afghanistan. Moreover, Pakistan stressed that its security is being bled daily by cross-border attacks. Thus, the point was simple that Afghanistan cannot keep claiming independence while letting militants use its soil as a launchpad.

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Furthermore, Islamabad called for dismantling camps, cutting recruitment pipelines, and choking off funding channels. The “verifiable action” phrase came up more than once. Similarly, China, Russia, and Iran all nodded along, not out of courtesy, but because these groups also threaten their security in one way or another.

Security realities versus trade promises

Notably, the four nations discussed regional connectivity and economic engagement, but Pakistan brought everyone back to earth. If militant networks can easily move across borders, trade corridors and glitzy integration, plans are meaningless. Besides, stability is the currency of any economic endeavor, according to Islamabad. Hence, the sentiment was encapsulated in that line which was that security is first, and commerce is later.

Refugees as a risk and a burden

Refugees were another point of contention. Millions of Afghans live in Pakistan and Iran, frequently with little assistance from other countries. So, the ministers called on the international community to provide long term funding for repatriation and reintegration, as both governments are obviously worn out. Additionally, Pakistan introduced a security component which said that if refugee flows are not controlled, militants may take advantage of them.

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The issue of the drug economy

Another destabilizer mentioned was narcotics. Although some opium cultivation has stopped in Kabul, methamphetamine production is increasing, and its trafficking routes are expanding. Drugs are more than just a social problem in the area, they also fund the same networks that undermine security. What worries Pakistan the most is that overlap.

Rights and inclusion are still up for debate

Nor did the ministers disregard governance. In Afghanistan, they pushed for a system that would represent all ethnic and religious groups, and provide women and girls with genuine access to public life, employment, and education. This debate was not about charity; rather, it was about survival. It is because, when a government excludes a sizable portion of its citizens, it runs the risk of causing long-term instability, which encourages crime and terrorism.

NATO shadows, aid, and sanctions

Furthermore, sanctions and aid were also discussed. Pakistan cautioned against providing Kabul with any loopholes, that it could use to postpone action against militant sanctuaries, but acknowledged that modifying the UN’s 1988 sanctions regime might be beneficial. Resultantly, all four agreed that humanitarian aid must directly reach regular Afghans, and not be diverted by the Taliban.

Then there was the question of NATO. So, the participants pushed back against any attempt by Western powers to set up new bases in or around Afghanistan. Besides, they also repeated the call to unfreeze Afghan assets abroad, and lift unilateral sanctions. Pakistan, especially, stressed that regional platforms not distant capitals are the only credible path forward.

Pakistan’s hard line

If one country drove the tone of this meeting, it was Pakistan. Islamabad framed itself as the biggest victim of Kabul’s failures, carrying the burden of refugees, cross-border terrorism, and economic disruption. Hence, its demand was crystal clear that

stop the militant traffic and prove it with real and measurable steps. Now the empty promises should be over.

Similarly, Iran backed much of this, especially on refugees. Russia and China were less confrontational, but still leaned into the consensus. Therefore, the message to the Taliban was unmistakable that your neighbors are united, and they are running out of patience.

Where does this leave Kabul?

The Quadripartite meeting did not change Afghanistan overnight, but it did mark a shift. By naming specific groups and tying of economic cooperation to security action, the four countries moved from polite encouragement to tough conditionality.

Regional Powers Unite to Push Taliban Action in Afghanistan info

For the Taliban, the choice is narrowing. So, either they take visible steps against terrorist groups and broaden governance at home, or they risk deeper isolation even from the neighbors, who were once their lifeline. For Pakistan, the stakes are existential. It is because without any firm action from Kabul, cross-border peace, refugee relief, and any hope of economic integration remain stuck.

This is not just another communiqué to file away. It is a warning shot from Afghanistan’s neighborhood, the region has limits, and the clock is ticking.

Disclaimer:
The views and opinions expressed in this article are exclusively those of the author and do not reflect the official stance, policies, or perspectives of the Platform.

Author

  • Dr. Mozammil Khan

    Mozammil Khan has a keen interest in politics and international economics. His academic work examines how infrastructure and geopolitical dynamics influence trade routes and regional cooperation, particularly in South and Central Asia. He is passionate about contributing to policy dialogue and sustainable development through evidence based research, aiming to bridge the gap between academic inquiry and practical policymaking.

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